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30 JAN 2025 · DIA will pause all activitics and events related to Agency Special Empbasis Programs effective immediately and until further notice.
Additionally, Special Observances bosted throughout the year by the Command Elemen, Directorates, and Special Offices are also paused. These include observances related to the following:
January Martin Luther King, Jr. Birthday*
February Black History Month
March Women's History Month
May Holocaust Day/Days of Remembrance
May Asian Amencan Month
June Juneteenth*
August Women's Equality Day
15 September - 15 October
National Hispanic Heritage Month
October National Disability Employment Awareness Month
November
National American Indian Heritage Month
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4 DEC 2024 · When Donald Trump returns to the Oval Office in January, he will preside over a coveted “unified government”, with his party controlling the White House, the Senate and the House of Representatives. But a handful of more moderate Republican senators could still stymie the president-elect’s legislative agenda, and even block the confirmation of some of his most controversial cabinet nominees.
-Lauren Fedor
Trump has 18 months. He doesn’t have 4 years. I think people are going to try to savagely sabotage him.
Trump has a ton on the table and a very small window to get things done. His last term he got the corporate tax lowered and got the border under control compared to where it is now .
What The Experts Believe:
What can we expect from a Trump 2.0 foreign policy? In defense and security policy, we can anticipate a return of a “peace through strength” approach. This will mean big investments in US defense capabilities to strengthen deterrence and use force decisively if deterrence fails. Trump will rightly ask allies to contribute more to ensure US alliances in Europe and Asia have the capabilities they need.
In economic policy, we can expect a focus on fair and reciprocal trade, prioritizing addressing China’s unfair trading practices, and an unleashing of the United States’ domestic energy potential. Values will center around an “America first, but not alone” orientation that will ensure that US global engagement benefits the peace, prosperity, and freedom of the American people and, in so doing, the broader free world.
—Matthew Kroenig
Global trade
What will the Trump administration do about global trade? This is the thirty-trillion-dollar question. It was what every finance minister and central bank governor at the recent International Monetary Fund-World Bank Annual Meetings wanted to chat about privately. Here’s what we know.
The important question about Trump and trade is: Will he do what he says he will do on tariffs? That answer is more likely yes than no, but it will not happen overnight. Trump’s trade views were shaped in the 1980s during Japan’s rapid economic growth.
He views trade in binary terms, with bilateral imbalances the key determinant of whether a policy is succeeding or not. The first step in his trade policy will be, somewhat surprisingly, to try and revise the Phase 1 trade deal with China that he brokered at the end of his first term.
The deal was largely judged a failure since China didn’t live up to any of its commitments, but the excuse given is that the pandemic prevented what would have been a successful first step. That’s more likely initially than a 60 percent tariff on Chinese imports.
Once he tries to revive (or, as Trump trade people say, “finally enforce”) the China trade deal, Trump will turn his attention to the European Union. Here there will be a deep divide, and Trump will seek reciprocal tariffs on a range of products—many of which he will be able to impose unilaterally.
His blanket tariff promise of 10 percent seems unlikely in the near term, but instead a scattershot of specific tariffs will be a signal to countries—both allies and adversaries—that this is just the beginning.
The likely response will be a tit-for-tat escalation that will be inflationary in the United States and for the global economy. While the Trump economic team disputes this, citing the fact that Trump’s first term didn’t produce inflationary results, the size and scale of what is being proposed now is vastly different.
—Josh Lipsky
The war in Ukraine
The greatest national security threat to the United States, its fellow NATO members, and other US allies is the increasingly aggressive partnership of Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea. The focal point of this threat is Ukraine, where Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war of conquest is just a prelude to more provocations and, potentially even war further west, against NATO’s eastern states.
A victory in Ukraine for Russia, which is now bolstered by North Korean troops soon to be fighting in Europe, will encourage a Chinese move on Taiwan.
It is not clear that Trump fully acknowledges this challenge. But whether he understands it or not, his administration will have to deal with it and its most dangerous point of confrontation: Ukraine. It is difficult to anticipate Trump’s policy on the war because his team contains personnel with very different views.
One group advocates sharply reducing aid to Ukraine—a view many associate with Trump. This group is naive about the Kremlin’s policy toward the United States—Putin states plainly that the United States is adversary number one—and clueless about the danger of a Kremlin victory in Ukraine. The other camp recognizes the threat to US interests in Europe and elsewhere if Washington were to abandon Ukraine.
This group would pursue a Reaganesque policy of peace through strength and, unlike the Biden team, not be intimidated by Putin’s nuclear bluster. The first clues about Trump’s policy will be the appointments he makes to senior national security positions.
—John E. Herbst
New episodes Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday or just binge listen anytime.
Information
Author | APEX |
Organization | IAN C JORDAN |
Categories | Society & Culture |
Website | www.newsundone.com |
iancjordangroupaic@gmail.com |
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